George Washington’s Take on Modern America

America is not what it was meant to be. It is not, despite misguided efforts at "traditionalism" and Biblical treatments of Constitutional sanctity, the country of its founders. America is barely a shell of the nation they envisioned. Politicians, pundits and network executives across the nation seek above all else the gratification of self and of party, with only a cursory glance cast at the betterment of the nation. This perversion of the original idea of America isn't the mark of a broken political system, but of a much more terminal affliction: a broken political populace. It is the America of which George Washington warned the fledgling nation when he stepped down from his office. The words of his 1796 Farewell Address ring out an unheeded warning amidst the cacophony of American politics, but now as much as ever they should be considered.

Above all, Washington warned against party politics. "The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissention, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism." Washington is painting a picture of the American political landscape of the 21st century: fluctuating tides of party dominance which always see the minority purposely obstructing the majority. Beyond the fact that the polarization is counterproductive to the betterment of the country, the parties play the game simply to see who slips first, just to gain an advantage. Those who pray for the failure of the Health Care bill, or who felt vindictive excitement rather than disgust when the Abu Ghraib scandal broke, are victims of the party polarization of which Washington warns. These people are not Americans; they are Democrats, and they are Republicans. To call them Americans would imply that their first loyalty lay with the country and not with their party.

"The disorders and miseries which result [from party politics] gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevations, on the ruins of public liberty."

While Washington likely did not foresee televised talking heads, his description of political punditry smacks of prophecy. People like Glen Beck, Keith Olberman, and their multitude on each side of the aisle feed off of the competitive aspect so prevalent in today's politics.They deal in half-truths, tailored to feed into the ignorance and partisanship of their audience, and are rewarded with a warped sense of their own importance. When Democrats need refuge from the undereducated religious fanatics of the right, or when Republicans fear the influence of the left-wing liberal elite, they seek solace in such figures. This attitude, however, just feeds into the perversion of the political machine and the creation of an industry in which a "chief of some prevailing faction" may make a name and a living in the trade of nuanced deception.

"[The spirit of party], in governments elective, is a spirit not to be encouraged … there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume." Washington knew that people will naturally seek political strength in numbers. In a democracy, the validity of an idea is measured in the number of votes behind it, so group mentality is an unavoidable aspect of elective government.  Washington, however, maintained that it was the duty of the people to avoid the full realization of a nation which operates upon the spirit of party alone.

Washington wrote that the spirit of party "serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection." This, to an era where shouting matches erupt across the aisle of a divided legislature, guns are brought to town hall meetings, and elections are analyzed in terms of which party possesses momentum. He goes on: "It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions." Such foreign influence led America to sully itself with torture, wanton invasion, and espionage upon its own citizens.

On the subject of faith, Washington's speech is more telling in its omissions than in its statement alone. He states that "Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens." What he doesn't say, but which appears in a rejected draft, is anything about the need for a "divinely authoritative religion."

George Washington would likely look upon the America of today with a mingled pride and disappointment. The fact that the first country founded upon enlightenment principles still exists and prospers is a scenario the founders likely only dreamt of when they embarked upon this experiment. Washington would, however, have a few things to say about the polarity of American politics, and about the all-consuming rat race centered on the office he so gladly abdicated. But ultimately, his wishes concerning the intent of his farewell address would be fresh on his mind:

"In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, and to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated."